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The Three Pillars of European Thought

Tim Staker — Mon, 02 Mar 2020 11:39:48 +0000

That eternal spark of the European spirit; that never-ending longing for freedom and discovery, ever in search of wisdom and progress, never ceasing to build and improve, that is what makes our continent the greatest in the world. Ave Europa, nostra vera Patria!

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Let’s make the European elections a continent-wide live event!

Tim Staker — Sat, 18 May 2019 10:45:48 +0000

Sign the petition below to make the European elections a continent-wide live event!

SIGN THE PETITION NOW!

Election night in Europe. Countless souls across our continent clutched to the TV or computer, all tuned in to the same program, aired in English, but dubbed live in all languages of the EU. The atmosphere heated up in millions of households – think of the release of the voting results at the Eurovision Song Contest, but tenser, with infinitely more at stake; motivational slogans, sighs of relief, tears of sadness and of joy. A Europe-wide live event that, despite the many political contradictions, makes people realize that they are members of a continental community, and partake in the celebration of its democracy.

That is how the European elections could be like. Unfortunately, the current reality is quite different. A decreasing number of European citizens make their way to the voting booths during the European Elections, and perhaps even fewer follow the results in real time on TV or online. The tendency towards disinterest, one could say, is baked into the voting system itself. Europeans can only vote for national parties and candidates, which, together with likeminded parties and candidates from other EU-countries, make up the larger European parties in the Parliament in Brussels. Ideal would be to change the current system so that voters can choose whatever candidate they want, regardless of their country of residence. But it would be too optimistic to expect a swift end to country-bound voting for the time being.

Nevertheless, there is a way to make the European Elections much more engaging, with the current system still in place. Because the problem is not only that voting is limited to national borders, but that the announcement of the election results is as well. Huddling together around a screen, watching the numbers and percentages come in from different cities and regions, is the height of any modern democratic process. Events like that create a sense of belonging to a political community, even though your fellow citizens might prefer another party than you; you feel that you are all part of the same lively democracy. Sadly, those who watched the European elections until now could rely solely on their national TV emissions, showing mostly country-specific maps and results, leaving some with the impression that only an insignificant national voting round had taken place, instead of a continental ballot involving hundreds of millions of participants.

To make voters truly aware that they are part of a European democracy, we should upscale the broadcasting of the results to a European level. What we need, is a Europe-wide live election event shown on public TV, where the results of all the different voting regions in the European Union are tracked, put together and objectively analysed, in contact with correspondents in all member states. This pan-European show would also involve commentary and debate, from different sides of the political spectrum, and might even include music, citations of writers from the past and short videos showing the beauty of each of our member states. A likely candidate to organise such an event is Eurovision, part of the European Broadcasting Union, since it has decades of experience in airing large international live emissions. A Europe-wide election show would not only make the ballot much more interesting, but more importantly, it would also help to raise democratic and community consciousness to a European level.

You can help to make this event happen. Please share this initiative on social media and, even better, bring it to the attention of politicians, candidates, political parties, journalists, media companies, analysts and opinion makers. Let’s join forces to strengthen our European democracy!

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Video: The Media Battlefield

Tim Staker — Thu, 16 Aug 2018 23:05:51 +0000

While a media struggle is part of any modern political confrontation, in recent years the battle over the hearts and minds of Western men and women has strongly intensified.

For several decades most of what is often called the mainstream media in the West was dominated by a certain broad ideological current, marked by neo-liberalism, social progressivism, globalism, multiculturalism, anti-nationalism and political correctness. Of course there were also outlets critical of the mainstream, but these had a more marginal role in society and were often frowned upon as xenophobic reactionaries.

The convergence of crises in the 21st century; the assault of radical Islamism, the financial crisis and the migrant crisis, has led to more Westerners challenging mainstream narratives because they no longer felt like their voices were heard. This was also infused by the rise of social media which led to a kind of global media democratization. One of the effects of these developments was populist politics, both in Europe and the US, and the strengthening of the anti-mainstream media and even the appearance of many new populist outlets.

It would have been good at that point, if both sides showed willingness for dialogue and mutual understanding of each other’s viewpoints. And in some cases dialogue did take place. Unfortunately, more often both sides dug deeper trenches and doubled down on their positions. The mainstream responded by putting its emphasis on diversity and open-borders in overdrive. The anti-mainstream doubled down on its complete obsession with Islam and even started to flirt with Putin’s Russia and call for the destruction of the post-1945 European political structures.

Today’s media landscape is the scene of a kind of hybrid multi-party conflict. The chaotic struggle among Western state media, big corporations, independent outlets and individuals is made even more complicated because several dictatorial governments also partake. Countries like Russia and Qatar have a vested interest in exaggerating certain problems to exploit people’s fears and grievances for their own political gain. We see something similar with the tabloid press, only their scope is more financial in nature. Fear sells.

Some Western mainstream media, at the other hand, blindly follow their government’s line. German media overall has uncritically rallied behind chancellor Merkel’s decision to alter the country’s demography for good by inviting in millions of people from outside of Europe. The BBC also appears to have become a sheer instrument of British government power, it simultaneously avoids critical questions about the hugely impactful Brexit, and it drives a zealous campaign of top-down implemented ‘diversity’.

Especially in the US people should try to lower down their warlike rhetoric; otherwise one might be seeing war like effects on American streets at a certain point. And also in Europe, we should seek dialogue with our opponents. What we need, is pan-European media in which Europeans can openly exchange ideas. We do not need the dry, politically correct dullness of outlets like Euronews, we need sharp debate, about subjects that matter, in line with our precious European tradition called the freedom of speech.

One way in which we can take steps towards a true European media landscape, is online. So if you want, please join us and other European accounts in the ongoing conversation about the identity and future of our civilization.

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Analysis video – Is Russia European?

Tim Staker — Fri, 04 May 2018 14:05:12 +0000

In this video we deal with the question:Is Russia European? And we analyze the place Russia takes in the Europe of today.

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Analysis video – Who needs the EU?

Tim Staker — Tue, 17 Apr 2018 20:26:19 +0000

In recent years, the European Union has come under heavy and increasing criticism. Begs the question, does Europe even actually need the European Union?

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The year 2018: what to expect in Europe?

Seward — Thu, 25 Jan 2018 14:19:36 +0000

A happy, healthy and prosperous new year to all Europeans! Let’s look ahead at some of the political events that will come our way in the next months. Will we be at the edge of our seats again, or has Europe entered calmer waters?

For Europe as a whole, 2018 will probably be less exciting than last year. The only major EU state to hold a general election is Italy, in March, and unfortunately the Eurosceptic 5 Star Movement is now ahead of the polls. However, the M5S – how their name is commonly abbreviated from Italian – recently screwed down its anti-European rhetoric and scrapped its proposed referendum on the Euro from its program. This means that even if M5S wins and manages to form an administration, Europe will just have another government that favors a more decentralized approach, but it will not cause an existential crisis.

In the same month, Russia will hold its next presidential election, but we know already who the winner will be; his name starts with Vladimir and ends with Putin. To be sure, the future “winner” has instructed his state controlled courts to preventively exclude his biggest opponent from the race. Swedes also go to the polls in 2018, in the general elections of September. All eyes there will be on the right wing Sweden Democrats, since the Scandinavian country continues to suffer under the negative effects of years of uncontrolled 3^rd world mass immigration.

Nevertheless, even if the SD would win a lot, it would never be able to make policy on its own since Sweden has a coalition system. Meanwhile, many Europeans are waiting for Germany to finally form a new government after months of formation talks. Not surprisingly, the new administration will likely be led again by Angela Merkel; the woman that singlehandedly made Europe a less safe, less united and frankly less European place by inviting millions of unvetted young men from the most backward corners of the planet. Instead of making space for someone with a less stained reputation to lead Europe together with the likes of Emmanuel Macron, the German chancellor stubbornly wants to remain in power.

It is clear, there will be a lot of criticizing to do again this year, but we are ready for it! We will bash the naivety, political correctness and hypocrisy of the left, the chauvinism, anti-Europeanism and Putin-apologetics of the right, and the indecisiveness of the centre. However, we will also praise those politicians and public figures whose words or actions are a breath of fresh air in this tentative climate. While doing so, we will not differentiate between left, right or centre, but only between what is good for Europe and what is bad for Europe.

Furthermore, we will be sharing our perspective and, as always, propagate a pan-European collective identity whenever and wherever we can. Do you want to contribute in your own modest way? Then join us on Twitter, Facebook and YouTube and spread our pro-European material.

Long live our glorious continent! Long live Europe!

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Being pro-European is an expression of patriotism

Stanley — Wed, 06 Dec 2017 22:12:00 +0000

Whether one is aware of it or not, we are currently witnessing a kind of European awakening, the rise of a pan-European collective identity. Such an awakening is not a revolution, not a sudden shift, but a gradual, decades-long process in which average inhabitants of our continent identify more and more as Europeans. It does not mean that Europeans will lose their national identities, just as the rise of nationalism in previous centuries did not mean the eradication of regional identities. It simply means that an increasing number of people will realize that they are, besides members of a local and a national community, part of a vast, diverse, millennia-old civilization called Europe.

There is not one single type of Europeanism. People’s ideas on Europe differ as much as people’s views on other issues. Some left-leaning people are only pro-European because they are anti-nationalist and see the EU as a springboard to a globalized, borderless world. Some right-wingers are pro-European only in a cultural sense, but call for the very destruction of the European Union. Both extreme positions are harmful, both would inevitably lead to the destruction of our European community, either by fading away in the chaos of unrestricted globalization or by breaking up in ever smaller, rivaling fragments.

We, in the meantime, try to promote an enlightened middle way, a type of Europeanism that is indeed truly pro-European. We do promote open borders, but strictly inside the EU; Schengen cannot function without strong outside borders. Furthermore, we would never argue against Europeans’ national identities, but instead, want to complement these identities with a macro-national, civilizational layer. We are fiercely pro-EU, not because the EU is perfect, but because it is the largest, most peaceful, political embodiment of our civilization in history.

European unity is not only beneficial for our continent as a whole, it also boosts our individual countries, their wealth and their position and influence in the world. Slowly but surely, people are starting to realize that being pro-European is in fact an expression of patriotism. The European Union needs much improvement, that is certain, but it can never be abandoned, because, in the 21st century, it is the only chance at greatness we have, for our countries individually and for our civilization as a whole.

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Europe of Nations: the cultural underpinning of a superpower

Seward — Sun, 19 Nov 2017 17:34:13 +0000

Long ago, before the dawn of the Modern Age, many countries of Europe still consisted of a patchwork of territories, fiefdoms or regional states. It is only quite recently that these small local units began their integration into the now so familiar nation-states of Europe. Never would an ordinary citizen of eighteenth century Tuscany have thought that, a hundred years later, his descendants would be proudly waving the tri-colored flag of a united Italian state. Often-times, the regions that later coalesced into Europe’s nations already had over-arching institutions and treaties in place before their true cultural-political unification. How familiar this is, when looking ambitiously at the framework of the European Union today. What can we learn from the nation-state if we are truly determined to make the political community of Europe prosper and succeed?

For all the rightful passion we feel for our country, the formation of the nation-states was in large part a deliberate effort by leaders, governing officials and their supporters. This does not mean that it was one-sidedly imposed on the populace or that it was a mere fabrication. It was in fact a process of mutual fulfillment based fully in reality. Policy-makers and enthusiasts tapped into a reservoir of very real emotion to bind together a people that already had strong cultural connections into a centralized cultural-political state. Although there were counter-movements at first, this endeavor was largely met with eagerness by the denizens of the arising states, who were well aware of their common history and culture, and so readily understood the narrative and the symbols being used. As time unraveled, the people would begin to feel an affinity with their over-arching cultural community and, while holding on firmly to their regional identity, they were encompassed in the cultural-political framework of their nation-states. Today even the staunchest critics of government feel a warm affection towards their country.

By now, most European countries, while still employing their history and traditions as a source of national pride, base their sense of belonging primarily on citizenship and civic values. It has often been stated that Western European countries have long neglected to adequately defend these values and have sometimes sidetracked their own cultures, all for the sake of ‘multi-culturalism’. For the aforementioned model to work, it is essential that the original culture, in the form of values, but also in the form of history and traditions, be seen as the primary reference point. That of course does not mean that every citizen should live, dress or act the same, but that civil education, national holidays, and public celebrations should be guided by the core culture of society. With that in mind, a sense of pride and belonging that is based on citizenship and a shared cultural history, by extension, can also serve as the foundation for uniting European civilization into a true political community.

After all, the values, culture and traditions of individual European nation-states are only part of a cultural continuum that stretches across the European continent. From the Atlantic coast to the Black Sea, and from north to south, there is an unmistakable similarity in the character of society, one that is founded firmly on a shared history. Whether it is in the artistic styles of Baroque, Romanticism and Realism, in Romance, Gothic and Classical architecture, or in the very structure of our villages, towns and cities, all our societies are of a very distinct European nature. It is in the legacy of Classical Antiquity, the Renaissance and the Age of Discovery, in the spirit of humanism, the Enlightenment and the scientific revolution. It is in the celebration of Christmas and Easter, in the way we socialize, make contact and choose our partners, in our pursuit of equality, justice and self-determination. When looking with a clear eye at this vast cultural expanse, every citizen of Europe must have some feeling that in addition to their individual country, and in reference to the rest of the world, they belong to a greater European whole.

It is this feeling that must be kindled. Throughout the post-war era and the history of the European project, the motivations for European integration have lacked a serious cultural underpinning, focusing mainly on economics and shared interests. While these are important arguments, this approach has left an enormous potential untapped. If we want to move towards a truly functional European community, there lies a task for organizations, public persons and governments alike to delve into the cultural capital of Europe and provide for the European project its emotional bedrock. We must come up with great and inspiring ways to awaken Europe’s dormant cultural essence, captivate its citizens and light the fire of European identity. All of the recent pro-European activity is a step in the right direction, but we need more. Imagine imposing monuments in the grand architectural styles of Europe, commemorating the world-changing time periods and events that shaped our civilization. Imagine true continental celebration days that have meaning and significance for the whole of Europe, perhaps on the anniversary of the Peace of Westphalia, the end of World War II or the fall of the Berlin Wall. The richness of European history and the abundance of European cultural symbolism leave us with almost endless possibilities.

Ironically, to employ our combined traditional heritage will require us to break with the shackles of what by now has become conventional politics. We have become stuck in a sterile political condition, wherein we shy away from bold and impressive endeavors like this. We must aspire beyond the status quo, beyond the empty bureaucratic framework of mere institutions and treaties, infusing the European project with its missing cultural soul. It is only by giving the citizens a true emotional connection to the European political community that we can rise to become the superpower we are meant to be. Like so many Europeans before us, we stand before a road that we only need dare to tread. And as we gaze towards the horizon, we can think of our history and find confidence in the idea that even something as commonplace as the nation-state was once just an inconceivably ambitious dream.

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Independent Kurdistan: a tragic fate

Stanley — Tue, 24 Oct 2017 13:52:41 +0000

The struggle for an independent Kurdistan reminds me a bit of the situation in Catalonia. People around the world are sympathetic to their cause, but all surrounding governments oppose any step towards independence. For a moment, both nations had hoped for outside support, but as the only thing they found was deafening silence, the Catalans, like the Kurds, grew bitter and disillusioned. The similarities stop when we compare the political contexts of the Kurdish and Catalan cases. Where Catalonia has been the economic ‘power house’ of Spain – a peaceful, wealthy and democratic country – Kurdistan’s men and woman have known nothing but war for many generations; against Saddam, against ISIS and now against the Shiite-Arab-run government in Baghdad.

Like in the case of Catalonia, I am not unsympathetic towards an independent Kurdistan, but I have some serious concerns about the possible consequences of independence. The Kurds deserve a homeland of their own, especially after the courage Kurdish men and women showed in the face of ISIS’ onslaught. However, decades of conflict have raised tensions between ethnic groups in the region, and the creation of an independent state could move some Kurds to try to avenge past grievances on non-Kurdish minorities. Already there have been reports of Kurds expelling Arabs in the regions which are under their control, and independence might increase even more the wish for ethnic homogeneity. In that way, it is not unimaginable, not even very unlikely, that we will see large-scale ethnic cleansing taking place as soon as Kurdish independence is achieved.

If we think then of the fact that there is also an Iranian, a Syrian and a Turkish Kurdistan, brutal conflicts raging between Shiites and Sunnis, and many political tensions between those and other groups across the region, we can start to imagine why any type of independence is such a delicate issue. The re-drawing of Middle Eastern borders along ethno-linguistic or ethno-religious lines could set in motion massive forced population transfers, similar to what happened in Eastern Europe after 1918. In addition, given the myriad of ethnic and religious fault lines, any newly-declared state is at risk of immediately being invaded by a hostile country. Because of these possible consequences, we must be careful when lending our support to any such movements in the Middle East. We must observe the situation attentively, and, at the same time, realize that we in Europe have come a long way. Perhaps we can rejoice, for a short while, about the fact that we Europeans, today, solve our differences in a more peaceful manner.

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EU Superstate: a foreshadowing of things to come?

Seward — Wed, 11 Oct 2017 20:30:24 +0000

It was often repeated during the Brexit campaign, and is still often heard as a sneering remark or a foreshadowing of doom, the supposed emergence of an EU Superstate that would engulf all nation-states in its wake. Mostly employed as a scare-tactic or knee-jerk reaction to even the slightest hint of further European integration, the derogatory nature of the word EU Superstate can in my view only be understood as a lack of foresight. Almost two whole decades, and a lot of turmoil, into the twenty-first century, there comes a time when we must be honest to ourselves about what challenges the future may hold. Because we believe deeply that the future of Europe can only be together, let me frame this as provocatively as I can. Contrary to the ramblings of those that wish to divide our European nations, a political entity that could, indeed, be called an EU Superstate would actually be essential to the continued peace, prosperity, freedom, and indeed very survival of our great continent.

A firm mandate

Frequent readers will know that the EU Superstate we envision would be a vastly different entity than the European Union we live in today. We boast that the European project, from its inception after World War II, through to the present day, has produced a miracle of unprecedented European peace and cooperation, bringing our continent great amounts of wealth and prosperity. But we also recognize that the current form it has taken is unsustainable. The European Union is haunted by dubiously handled crises, and surrounded by an air of decadence, political correctness and bureaucracy. For many people today, the feeling has crept up that the European Union is not for them, and that its leaders care more for themselves or for the rest of the world than for its own citizens. To restore trust and convince citizens of the potential and the necessity of uniting Europe, the European Union and our continent as a whole need a major rejuvenation. If an EU Superstate will ever be realized, it must be worthy of our continent’s name and of its people.

Firstly, if anything resembling an EU Superstate should be legitimate, it should be of the highest democratic order. The democratic input of the European Union is currently based on a complex system of interlocking powers with different areas of influence. Initially implemented to curb fears of power imbalance, this system actually makes the whole process incoherent, confusing and obscure. People have the feeling that they have no real influence on European Union policy. To combat this, most importantly, our EU Superstate needs actual supranational political parties that all European citizens can vote on. Based in a reformed parliament, like in most national parliaments, these parties will have the ability to propose new laws, in addition to their monitoring role. Leading parties will be able to put forward the members of a reformed European Commission. This new Commission will be more potent in enacting policy, but it will only focus on the big issues, those that concern the whole of Europe. National governments will be in control of all national issues and will have an advisory role to the Commission based on mandatory opinion. This will ensure that individual member-states will remain an important factor in the supranational decision-making process, while giving the European institutions the capacity and mandate for effective action.

Europe first

Furthermore, the Europe of the future, as any political entity, should first and foremost serve and protect the interests of its own population. Therefore, our united continent needs strong outer borders, supported by an effective marine and territorial border guard and a strict migration policy. As the situation currently is, there is little obstruction for the daily arrival of hundreds of unvetted, unskilled migrants, even as Europe clearly struggles with issues resulting from mass immigration, failed integration and youth unemployment. This leaves us fighting a running battle. Our EU Superstate should have a migration policy akin to the Australian model, so that any person trying to illegaly enter Europe immediately gets sent away by a combined European coastguard, back home or to a third location. Only outside of Europe, in specialized camps, will it be possible to request asylum for those in actual life-threatening need, who will be able to apply for temporary refuge. Also, to repatriate the millions of illegal migrants already in Europe, acting as a united Europe will enable us to put heavy economic sanctions on those countries that refuse to take their people back.

Does that mean our future EU Superstate will completely bar any form of immigration? Of course not, there is everything to be said for a controlled and vetted migration of skilled assets from around the world. Europe of the future must remain a powerhouse of intellectual and technological endeavor, it is therefore essential that our EU Superstate takes in the best the world has to offer. As the United States returns to protectionism and China looks across its borders, the 21^st century will see an ever-intensifying arms-race on the field of cyber, energy and military technology. We must adopt a new entrepeneurial mindset, competing with the rest of the world for the best educated experts and professionals, the most advanced technologies and the strongest economies. This must be done within a framework of ever tighter European cooperation. We cannot compete with the world, if we are competing amongst ourselves. Only together, if we combine the resources and knowledge we acquire, will we triumph in this imminent struggle for power.

Action and deterrence

If we want to hold our own in the turbulent world of the twenty-first century, apart from being an economic heavyweight, we need to be able to defend ourselves against aggression from foreign powers. Too long have we leaned lazily on our American allies. If we want to survive on our own, we need the capacity to act independently and regardless of the will of the United States, should we ever have to face our adversaries in military conflict. Each of our countries individually stands no chance against the military-industrial complex of a superpower like Russia or China, but together we may form the greatest military in the world. Creating a comprehensive and integrated military force has to be a top priority for the years to come. With dangers looming far and wide and the future of the world uncertain, we cannot be complacent. How the century develops, we can never know, but its first decades have shown us that we must be prepared for any scenario. And so, our EU Superstate must become a force to be truly reckoned with.

A potent military force will act as a strong deterrent against foreign threats and will be key in securing our interests on the global stage. Though, threats do not always come from outside. Europe has recently suffered a wave of Islamist-inspired terrorist attacks, which shows no sign of losing momentum. If we want to effectively counter such savagery, we need a closely knit-together network of intelligence to effectively track down Islamists and other subversive elements within our society. More controversially, known radical mosques must be closed, their visitors screened, funding to mosques and Islamic organizations from Saudi-Arabia and the Gulf States should be halted and known Islamist networks rounded up, its members where possible deported. Taking action will primarily be a task for national governments working in unison on an international level, assisted by national and newly formed supranational intelligence agencies. Strong, coordinated operations against radical Islamism will not only prevent suffering and the loss of life, it will be pivotal in restoring public trust in Europe.

Hope on the horizon

All this may seem like a far-fetched dream, a lone cry in the wilderness – and perhaps it is – but I would not be writing this if I hadn’t a bit of hope that such a future for Europe is possible. While the continent has recently endured some very dire times, and for some the situation seems hopeless, there are actually promising signs for those who are willing to look. For each of the issues I have discussed there are indications that we might be heading in the right direction.

On the most pressing issues of mass immigration and Islamism, we have recently seen a change in attitude across the continent. Last month, European leaders agreed on a comprehensive plan based on holding centers in Africa to curb illegal migration, while at the same time Italy has cracked down heavily on NGO’s facilitating the smuggling of migrants across the Mediterrenean and the European Commission has proposed sanctioning leaders and officials of North-African countries that refuse to take back illegal immigrants. Following several piece-meal efforts, the month of August already saw an 87% drop in migrants, as compared to the same period last year. Plans for a true supranational coastguard that were put forward by French president Macron have been met by welcoming ears in Berlin and elsewhere. Furthermore, in recent months, one could witness a remarkable shift in attitude towards the violent strands of Islam. Several European countries, including politically correct bulwark Germany, have denaturalized jihadists, European leaders like Donald Tusk and Emmanuel Macron are pointing out the ideology of Islamism as a clear threat to Europe and even Germany’s vice-chancellor is calling for the closing of Salafist mosques. Also worth mentioning in this context, is the extremely tough stance of particularly Germany and The Netherlands against Erdogan’s “Islamofascist” dictatorship in several heated confrontations. I can not help but view these developments as signs that we are finally beginning to stand up for our values and our civilization.

It has also dawned on many European leaders that, institutionally, the time for reform has decidedly come. In terms of democratization, several initiatives have been put forward by members of the European Parliament and Commission. Most intriguing has been the idea to use the British seats in the European parliament opening after Brexit to create supranational electoral lists. Among other high-ranking officials, this idea has importantly been embraced by French president Emmanuel Macron. Being a great supporter of the European project and further European integration, this is seen by him and his administration as an obvious step towards a future democratic Europe. Meanwhile, effective decision making initiatives are in the works. There is widespread support for the installment of a European Minister of Finance to manage the EU budget, instead of the at least five different officials responsible for it now. To increase transparency and efficiency, it has also been proposed to merge several of the head offices of the European Union. Small as these reforms might seem, the optimist in me sees in them the seeds of an institutional framework similar to what I have described above.

Getting ready for the future

Contentious as it may be, we will always wholeheartedly argue for integration of European military forces. The need for this cannot be overstated. Far from advocating for a swift relinquishing of military sovereignty to Brussels’ bureaucrats, even the staunchest opponent to an EU Superstate, cannot disagree with the wide-spread call for narrower military cooperation in Europe. Tens of billions of Euro’s can be saved by synchronizing weapon-systems, better allocating ammunition supplies and organizing more shared training operations. Furthermore, a more thorough alignment of the command structure will enable us to respond to imminent threats in a much more efficient way. Last May, EU leaders announced a comprehensive defense cooperation plan that will work in collaboration with NATO. Many EU leaders have also pledged that they will spend considerably more on defense in an effort to meet NATO military budget demands. More ambitiously, and so also more controversially, several initiatives are now in place for a truly supranational military force. Before the summer, the European Defense Fund was opened and more recently Emmanual Macron has stepped up efforts in forming a European intervention force. Definitely most controversial has been the quiet assembling of an integrated military force of several smaller European countries into the German Bundeswehr. Developments like these are sure to get the defense debate rolling once again, and it seems only wise for member-states to hop on a train that clearly has almost left the station.

Starting out, the tone of this article has been particularly cautionary, emphasizing the things that aren’t going well and calling for immediate and thorough action. I have also outlined what I have seen as the beginning of solutions for the challenges Europe faces. However, for all our problems, we must never forget that we also have a lot to be celebrated. On many levels, the working together of our nation-states has already proven an achievement in itself. The peace and prosperity we live in today is testament to that success. By building the largest free-trade zone in history, and thoroughly integrating our economies, we have laid the groundwork for a highly competitive power bloc. The economy of the European Union is the second largest in the world and our currency ranks among the strongest. To stay competitive in the 21^st century we must continue to build on this framework and always be willing to adapt to the circumstances. In response to the isolationist rhetoric coming from the White House, Macron has called for a sort of Europrotectionism, in which preference is given to European-borne goods, jobs and services. Subsequently, he has engaged in a sort of neo-mercantilism, offering American energy-tech scientists subsidized jobs in France. In reaction to Trump’s accession, the European Union has at the same time signed several new high-profile trade deals, notably one with Japan to rival the defunct NAFTA-deal. The newly competitive attitude and the healthy mix of protectionism and economic liberalism that it foreshadows, is likely to give us an edge against the rest of the world.

As China rises up like a dark cloud on the horizon, and the United States retreats from the world stage, the time has come for Europe, after almost eight decades of lulling comfort, to finally face up to the realities of the world. The lines of competition for the 21^st century have been drawn, and the window of opportunity is quickly drawing to a close. If we do not own up to the challenge now, and begin the transition into a true superpower, our societies might, at the turn of the century be reduced to nothing more than a hull of their former selves and we might end up just another lost civilization. The road will be tough, but with hard work and confidence, Europe may rise to its full potential. If the will is there and the pieces are put in place, the mere fact that our nations stand together as one, will be the most powerful asset of all.

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