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The post Being pro-European is an expression of patriotism appeared first on Our Continent.
]]>There is not one single type of Europeanism. People’s ideas on Europe differ as much as people’s views on other issues. Some left-leaning people are only pro-European because they are anti-nationalist and see the EU as a springboard to a globalized, borderless world. Some right-wingers are pro-European only in a cultural sense, but call for the very destruction of the European Union. Both extreme positions are harmful, both would inevitably lead to the destruction of our European community, either by fading away in the chaos of unrestricted globalization or by breaking up in ever smaller, rivaling fragments.
We, in the meantime, try to promote an enlightened middle way, a type of Europeanism that is indeed truly pro-European. We do promote open borders, but strictly inside the EU; Schengen cannot function without strong outside borders. Furthermore, we would never argue against Europeans’ national identities, but instead, want to complement these identities with a macro-national, civilizational layer. We are fiercely pro-EU, not because the EU is perfect, but because it is the largest, most peaceful, political embodiment of our civilization in history.
European unity is not only beneficial for our continent as a whole, it also boosts our individual countries, their wealth and their position and influence in the world. Slowly but surely, people are starting to realize that being pro-European is in fact an expression of patriotism. The European Union needs much improvement, that is certain, but it can never be abandoned, because, in the 21st century, it is the only chance at greatness we have, for our countries individually and for our civilization as a whole.
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]]>The post Independent Kurdistan: a tragic fate appeared first on Our Continent.
]]>Like in the case of Catalonia, I am not unsympathetic towards an independent Kurdistan, but I have some serious concerns about the possible consequences of independence. The Kurds deserve a homeland of their own, especially after the courage Kurdish men and women showed in the face of ISIS’ onslaught. However, decades of conflict have raised tensions between ethnic groups in the region, and the creation of an independent state could move some Kurds to try to avenge past grievances on non-Kurdish minorities. Already there have been reports of Kurds expelling Arabs in the regions which are under their control, and independence might increase even more the wish for ethnic homogeneity. In that way, it is not unimaginable, not even very unlikely, that we will see large-scale ethnic cleansing taking place as soon as Kurdish independence is achieved.
If we think then of the fact that there is also an Iranian, a Syrian and a Turkish Kurdistan, brutal conflicts raging between Shiites and Sunnis, and many political tensions between those and other groups across the region, we can start to imagine why any type of independence is such a delicate issue. The re-drawing of Middle Eastern borders along ethno-linguistic or ethno-religious lines could set in motion massive forced population transfers, similar to what happened in Eastern Europe after 1918. In addition, given the myriad of ethnic and religious fault lines, any newly-declared state is at risk of immediately being invaded by a hostile country. Because of these possible consequences, we must be careful when lending our support to any such movements in the Middle East. We must observe the situation attentively, and, at the same time, realize that we in Europe have come a long way. Perhaps we can rejoice, for a short while, about the fact that we Europeans, today, solve our differences in a more peaceful manner.
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]]>The post Catalan independence: what does it mean for Europe? appeared first on Our Continent.
]]>The pro-European camp is equally divided on the issue; some say Catalan independence would be a pure expression of democracy on our continent, others want EU leaders to ignore the referendum and follow the line of Madrid in order to prevent further division. There is something to say for both positions. Ideally, European nations should be equal partners under a democratic administration in Brussels. There is no principle reason, from our perspective, to keep nations imbedded in an intermediary administrative structure (in this case Spain), if the majority of their members do not wish so. On the other hand, Catalan secession would not only mean the break-up of a major European country, it would also mean the further division of the EU itself – just at a time when pro-EU forces are making a comeback and support for Brexit has hit an all-time low.
Any weakening of Europe means a relative victory for its adversaries; Putin, the far right and far left, and the forces of Radical Islam. Moreover, it is hard to imagine that Catalonia itself would benefit from leaving Spain (and the EU) because it would suddenly be disconnected from the largest single market in the world. The Catalans then must start a tiresomely long and difficult process of EU entry negotiations – which have become much stricter after the entry of Romania and Bulgaria in 2007 – and would likely be blocked by Spain from ever becoming a member. In the short term, Catalonian secession means a severe escalation of the political chaos in Spain, and perhaps even more violence. And considering the fact that only 42% of voters showed up – or were able to enter voting stations – arguing that Catalonia’s regional government now has an overwhelming mandate for independence would be an overstatement.
Concluding, we principally believe the Catalans have the right to self-determination in the framework of a united Europe. However, with only a minority of voters taking part in the (officially illegal) referendum, the current tense situation in Spain, Europe and the world, and the prospect of a major political calamity, we believe Catalonia would be wise to steer towards de-escalation. We acknowledge that Spain’s response has not helped to ease tensions, neither has the silence of most EU leaders, but all eyes are now on Catalonia. It is for the Catalans to show the rest of Europe some common sense and try to negotiate a peaceful compromise.
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]]>The post Do you speak European? – Language and Identity in a United Europe appeared first on Our Continent.
]]>In such a complex linguistic environment, how can we achieve the effective communication that is essential for a strong, united Europe? According to critics, the main obstacle against European integration is the lack of a common European language. According to them, the absence of a unifying language demonstrates that there is no such thing as a ‘European people’. However, a look at other diverse peoples around the world, shows us that multilingualism can go perfectly hand-in-hand with a strong sense of identity. Indians, for example, feel unmistakably Indian; but speak many different languages. The same can be said about Chinese and Indonesians. And one does not even have to look outside of our continent’s borders. Within every European country one finds different subgroups with different regional language variants, sometimes not understandable by their co-nationals from other regions. This does not mean that language is not an important unifying factor for groups of people, but simply that communities are rarely limited to one single language.
Nonetheless, it is true that societies around the world generally have a dominant language, a so-called lingua franca, which helps people of different language backgrounds work and live together. In India that language is Hindi, in Indonesia it is Bahasa Indonesia, and in China it is Mandarin. In Europe, now and in the foreseeable future – whether we like it or not – that language is English. When Europeans with different native languages meet, in the vast majority of cases, they will converse in English. Little more than half the European population speaks English at a conversational level – almost the same percentage of Indians knows Hindi. The percentages of people in China and Indonesia that speak their respective dominant languages are higher, but nowhere near the level of any European nation-state. Even if the UK leaves the European Union – which seems increasingly difficult – English will continue to be Europe’s lingua franca, and, as younger generations inherit our continent, the number of English-speakers will grow exponentially.
While future Europeans will mostly speak English with their peers from other corners of the continent, they will never forget their native tongue. Governments, schools and parents should continue to stimulate – besides teaching children to master their national language – education in one or more major EU languages – German, French, Italian, Spanish, Polish- or any other European language. Moreover, we must continue to value and protect all those hundreds of regional languages that compose the cultural treasure that is our continent.
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]]>The post Enlightenment Values: Ideas that shape our Civilization appeared first on Our Continent.
]]>Before listing and defining the most important Enlightenment values – which is the scope of this article – I will first shortly define the Enlightenment itself. The period which bears this name, most historians would agree, started in the early modern age; 17th or 18th century, depending on whom you ask. It was an era of great technological and intellectual development, a shift of focus from faith to reason, from religious dogmatism to rationalism and from collectivism to individualism. Indifferent of the Enlightenment’s inception, it is generally accepted that the French Revolution, in an intellectual sense, was both the result of, and a catalyst for the spread of Enlightenment values. In the centuries that followed the 1789-Revolution, these values took firm root in all European societies, be it with different speeds and intensities.
What follows are, in my opinion, the most important values of the Enlightenment, values that are, and should remain at the core of Europeans’ political consciousness.
Despite the fact that this is not a complete or definite list of all Enlightenment values – and some people might use other definitions or typologies than the ones used above – this overview can function as a guideline for the values that shape the political consciousness of our continent. Of course, there are many ethnic, religious and cultural elements, which often predate the Enlightenment, that play an equally important role. We dealt and will continue to deal with these in other articles. My intention here was to give an insight into the Enlightenment values that are theoretically universal, but were born and cultivated by Europeans over the past two centuries and could therefore justifiably be called: European values.
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]]>The post Denial and Apathy during Germany’s Elections appeared first on Our Continent.
]]>Some places, like Dortmund or Hannover, appear to have become more than half Middle Eastern; headscarves are all around, and Arabic is heard with almost the same frequency as the German language. Groups of migrant men hang in front of the train station, stroll through the center, or sleep on the grass of the parks. The original population, meanwhile, is clearly not at ease with the situation. Faces full of worry move through the streets, or nostalgically observe, from behind a glass of beer on a terrace, how their city is not the same anymore. The demographic fears are, moreover, enhanced by growing economic inequality, which is linked to Germany’s neo-liberal austerity dogmatism, and one does not have to search far to see its effects. It was particularly shocking to encounter so many homeless older Germans, begging for money and even looking for food in public garbage bins.
More than one million migrants came to Germany in the year 2015 alone, after an open invitation by Chancellor Angela Merkel, without consulting the population or even her political allies at home or in Europe. In fact, warnings from politicians, academics, journalists and ordinary citizens were not simply ignored, but often branded with the stamp of “selfishness”, “xenophobia” or “racism”. Overnight, Merkel had decided that Germany should embrace a so-called welcome culture, and most media outlets uncritically followed this narrative. The mass sexual assaults in Cologne, a terror attack on a Christmas Market in Berlin, and numerous other incidents of unthinkable brutality seem to have done little to change the public discourse. Actually, the imported violence has driven the supporters of Merkel’s “welcome culture” into the realm of denial and irrational belief in which an alleged moral duty to help those in need overwrites any national security concerns. In this worldview, humanitarianism is the highest virtue – not for the people of Germany, but for the world as a whole – a virtue that is personified by Angela Merkel. It is therefore that criticism of Merkel can easily be bent by her supporters as ‘anti-humanitarian’, ‘anti-immigrant’ and ‘far-right’. Given Germany’s brutal history, making such accusations against opponents is politically highly effective.
Despite the terror attacks, the socio-cultural tensions and inequality on display, there are still few Germans who publically dare to go against Merkel. Even Martin Schulz, Merkel’s only real competitor in the September 2017 German elections, has not dared to criticize what many now consider a historic mistake, namely Merkel’s ‘refugee invitation’. In the election debate, the one critical point Schulz could bring up with regards to Germany’s immigration policy, was the fact that Merkel did not coordinate well with other European countries. For the rest, Schulz even tried to ‘out-virtue’ the Chancellor in xenophilia by quoting Islamic poetry and repeating an earlier statement saying: ‘refugees bring to Germany something more valuable than gold’. The Alternative for Germany, or AfD, is the one party that does criticize Merkel on migration, but it is small, plagued by internal division and scandals, and has alleged links with the Kremlin and far right groups abroad. Equally important, the AfD rejects European integration while Germans are among the most pro-EU people one can find.
All this leaves ordinary German voters with a sense of utter powerlessness. A new demographic reality has been forced upon them, sparking new cultural tensions, increasing crime and even bringing along horrors Germans had no longer thought possible in their country. But public criticism of this new reality is still a massive taboo maintained by most media, most politicians and many public institutions like schools and universities. With the choice in the 2017 German elections being between Merkel and Schulz, who differ close to nothing when it comes to immigration, a general sense of apathy has taken hold of Germany. Apparently, Germany’s prominent politicians have learned nothing from the discontent that caused the popularity of both Brexit and Trump in the UK and US. They seem determined to continue on the current path, which will bring enough voters to the voting booth, but will leave many others at home feeling betrayed. Without the prospect of change, Germany’s anger will linger and grow, and I am afraid it might one day come back with a vengeance.
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]]>The post Defend Europe: Nazi-hipsters or concerned citizens? appeared first on Our Continent.
]]>To be clear from the start, we are no friends of the far-right. We have consistently written to denounce Geert Wilders and Marine Le Pen in the run-offs to the Dutch and French elections, and have also spent many hours on social media debating Alt-right “Frogmen”, Brexiteers and Putin-apologists. Besides their illiberal tendencies and flirtations with authoritarianism, we also detest the anti-Europeanism that is inherent to most far-right groups. The fringes of the right tend to think that only the complete breakup of the European Union can solve our continent’s problems, including the problem of mass immigration. What is different about Defend Europe is that, on the topic of immigration, it does not share the self-harmful ‘solutions’ of the far-right; reinstating national borders, secession of member states, reversal of European integration. Instead, the founders of the Defend Europe-project seemingly realized that the only sustainable solution for the Migrant Crisis is to work together and collectively enforce the outside borders of our continent. We cannot but agree, we need strong European borders, not national ones, because illegal mass migration is a threat to Europe as a whole, not just to our individual nations.
Defend Europe acquired a ship which it uses to patrol the Mediterranean Sea around the coast of Libya, the area where many migrants are picked up by ‘humanitarian’ NGOs and taken to the European mainland. The Defend Europe-project has three straightforward objectives: 1 – Monitor the activities of the NGOs and report if they are doing anything illegal. 2 – Destroy any empty migrant boats that they find so they cannot be re-used. 3 – Save any migrants that are in danger at sea, but bring them not to Europe but back to Africa. Regardless of the overall worldview of the people of Defend Europe, we cannot think of any reason to disagree with these three objectives. We are less enthusiastic about the fact that private citizens’ groups, instead of government institutions, are pursuing these aims. However, we think it is understandable nonetheless. Wherever governments fail to protect the rule of law and public safety, citizens step in. This is true across the world, including in Europe.
The organizers of Defend Europe can congratulate themselves. With the help of only one ship and their social media accounts, they managed to get the attention of most major European news outlets. Even if many reporters depicted Defend Europe as a creepy racist vigilante group, they nevertheless got Europeans talking about the issue of illegal migration. Meanwhile, the Italian government has started supervising and even criminally investigating certain NGOs for helping human traffickers, and Libyan authorities have increased their efforts to prevent more people from crossing the sea. The result is that the number of migrants arriving in Europe has actually started to drop. The degree of influence Defend Europe had these developments is debatable, though it is excellent PR for them. More important is that wheels have been set in motion. Action is being taken against mass migration on both sides of the Mediterranean, and we are confident in saying that this is exactly what the vast majority of Europeans wants.
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]]>The post The Jihad Apologist Agenda appeared first on Our Continent.
]]>The Jihad Apologist agenda:
(The idea to create these “agenda’s” of our political opponents, like the Jihad Apologist agenda and the Putin Apologist agenda, was inspired by the “Regressive Agenda”, which critically outlines the view points of the regressive left and was created by video artist Devon Tracy)
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]]>The post The Putin Apologist Agenda appeared first on Our Continent.
]]>The Putin Apologist agenda:
1- There is no such thing as truth – Accepting certain things as facts is a question of loyalty, not of truth seeking. If the facts speak against Putin’s Russia, create confusion. It’s not about proving Putin right, but about convincing people that there is no right. “What can one really know? Nothing is certain. No one will ever find out what is true anyway.”
2- “The West is just as bad” – Portraying Putin’s Russia like a free and peace-loving country would be an almost impossible task. It is much easier to deflect the attention by stating that ‘the West is just as bad”. For every injustice committed by the Russian regime, you come up with an injustice by any Western country, real or perceived, now or in the past.
3- Selective suspicion of the media – Because most Western media report on Putin’s crimes, label them ‘mainstream’ and ‘fake news’, and only trust media that claim to be ‘against the mainstream’, like unofficial online outlets, social media accounts and media owned by the Russian state, like RT and Sputnik. The only criteria is that they have to be pro-Putin.
4- Complain about “Russophobia” – Despite their country’s size and nuclear arsenal, Russians are actually an oppressed minority in the world, misunderstood and stigmatized by everyone. Russia is the eternal victim of the West, of the media, and of history. All of Putin’s transgressions are justified because of this victimhood. To make this clear, constantly complain about bigotry and prejudice against Russians, so-called “Russophobia”.
5- Forget Putin’s friends – Whether you are politically left or right, there is always a way to align Putin’s position with your own, just forget about all those friends of his that you don’t like. If you are right-wing, you see Putin as an enemy of Islamism and the left, conveniently forgetting his alliance with Iran, Hezbollah and Venezuela. If you are a leftist Putin apologist, you depict the Russian president as heading a struggle against Western “fascism” and “imperialism”, but ignore his far-right friends in Europe and the US.
6- “Not pro-Russia, just anti-war” – Instead of admitting that you are an apologist for a dictatorship that invades its neighbours, you claim that your defence of Putin’s Russia has, in fact, very noble intentions. Your goal is simply to prevent further escalation between Russia and the West. You are nothing less than a hero who jumps in to protect the scared Russians who feel threatened by Western imperialism. You are “not pro-Russia per se, but just anti-war”.
If you think it is unfair to single out Putin fans, we promise to upload soon a similar agenda about jihad-apologists.
(The idea to create this “agenda” of our political opponents was inspired by the “Regressive Agenda”, which critically outlines the points of the regressive left and was created by video artist Devon Tracy)
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]]>The post The Columns of the Parthenon towering above Athens, one of the cradles of European civilization appeared first on Our Continent.
]]>The post The Columns of the Parthenon towering above Athens, one of the cradles of European civilization appeared first on Our Continent.
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